Shiau Chyuan-jenq’s (蕭全政) account of Taiwan’s democratization places emphasis on the effects changes in the international environment had on a KMT regime that maintained it was the only legitimate representative of China. He argues that in the process of democratization, Taiwan not only had to abandon authoritarianism (去威權化), it also had to end the continuing Chinese civil war (去內戰化). (pp. 63-65)
During the Cold War, Taiwan was incorporated into the Western capitalist camp. Support from the United States not only allowed the authoritarian regime to consolidate itself on Taiwan, but also facilitated economic “take-off” during the 1960s. Domestically, the “one-China” principle was enshrined as the dominant ideology and the basis on which parts of the constitution were suspended pending national recovery. Internationally, it provided the rationale for the government’s continued claim to the mainland. (pp. 68-69) However, from Nixon’s proclamation of the Guam doctrine in 1969, the ROC’s international position began to gradually worsen.
After taking over as premier in 1972, Chiang Ching-kuo made adjustments to the ROC’s foreign policy in response to increasing international isolation and economic problems caused by the 1973 oil crisis, in particular pushing forward foreign policies focusing on economics rather than politics (以經濟替代政治), and pursuing the internationalization of the Taiwan question. Domestically, he made efforts to push more Taiwanese into important positions. Although Chiang’s reforms were very effective on the economic level, the failed to solve the fundamental political issue of Taiwan’s worsening diplomatic isolation. (pp. 69-71)
Because of Taiwan’s international isolation and the effects of protectionism in the United States, pressure for reform from society grew. In the second half of the 1970s, opposition journal proliferated and protests against the regime became more common. In particular, Chiang’s neo-mercantilist policies stressed economic growth at the expense of workers, farmers, consumers, and other social groups, who swelled the ranks of protesters during the 1980s. Faced with pressure on trade with the West, a rising NTD, the outflow of capital, and political instability, Taiwanese business demanded removal of foreign exchange controls, a lifting on restrictions on investing abroad, and an opening of trade with socialist countries. Demands from the business community for greater political participation also rose. In response Chiang tried to strengthen “flexible diplomacy” (彈性外交) and push forward economic liberalization. However, he did not alter the basic “one China” principle. (pp. 71-74)
The gap between an elite dominated by a party, political, military, educational, and media elite dominated by waishengren and the rest of society was becoming increasingly unsustainable. At the same time, Taiwan’s international isolation made travel difficult and investment abroad more risky. Taiwan’s position was damaged by its exclusion from international organizations. The series of liberalizing reforms in the period before Chiang Ching-kuo’s death, including the ending of martial law and allowing travel to the mainland to visit family members, together with an increasingly assertive DPP stance towards Taiwanese sovereignty, further weakened the “one China” principle and paved the way for Lee Teng-hui’s at least tacit recognition of the Beijing regime. (pp. 74-77) Taiwan then embarked on a process of constitutional reform culminating in the symbolic first presidential election by universal suffrage in 1986. (pp. 77-79)
However the question of why liberal reforms turned into an eventual abandonment of the “one China” principle and democratization remains. For Shiau the answer can be found in the failure of the Chiang Ching-kuo reforms to solve the question of Taiwan’s international isolation and ensure regime legitimacy. The emergence of a new wave of American protectionism in the 1980s, together with the collapse of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the end of the Cold War further worsened the international environment for the ROC, leading to even more pressure for change from below. Overall, Taiwan’s authoritarian system of government must be understood in the international context in which it emerged. When the international system changed, pressure for reform grew and Taiwan embarked on a process of democratization.
Tags: Democratization, 蕭全政, Shiau Chyuan-jenq, Taiwan, Xiao Quanzheng, 台灣威權體制轉型中的國家機關與民間社會
